HOTUBA YA MWALIMU JULIUS K. NYERERE MAY MOSI 1995. MBEYA

Nimeamua kuiweka hotuba hii kwenye Kona hii kwa kuwa ndani ya hotuba hii mwalimu ameongelea mambo mengi sana yanahusu sheria. Mfano Mwal ameongelea suala la siasa ya ujamaa na uhalali wake mpaka wakati huu, ameongelia sera ya ubinafshaji ambayo inagusa moja kwa moja mambo ya sheria ya uwekezaji na mwisho na kipengele ambacho ni muhimu kabisa kwa upande wa sheria ni pale anapozungumzia suala la Mgombea binafsi na kwa nini ni kinyume na haki za binadamu kupinga mgombea binafsi. Hivyo basi kama unataka kuyaelewa haya mambo vizuri likiwemo suala na ni kiongozi gani anayefaa kwa nchi hii nakualika usome hotuba hii maana baada ya kuisoma utabadirika sana kimtazamo na mawazo na utaungana na wengi wanaosema kuwa hotuba hii ni urithi wa taifa kutoka kwa hayati baba wa taifa kwa watanzania wa sasa na vizazi vijavyo.

John Mgayambasa.

TUMETOKA WAPI, TUKO WAPI,  TUNAKWENDA WAPI NA TUFANYE NINI ILI TUFIKE TUNAKOTAKA! 

HOTUBA YA MWALIMU JULIUS K. NYERERE ALIYITOA WAKATI WA KILELE CHA SIKUKUU YA WAFANYAKAZI DUNIANI,

MBEYA MEI 1, 1995. 

Mwalimu Nyerere alialikwa kuwa Mgeni Rasmi kwenye kilele cha Sikukuu ya Wafanyakazi Duniani iliyofanyika kitaifaUwanja wa Sokoine Mjini Mbeya Mei 1, 1995. Katika hotuba yake, Mwalimu alielezea historia ya Vyama vya Wafanyakazi duniani. Aidha alitumia fursa hiyo kutoa maoni yake kuhusu hali ya kisiasa na kiuchumi nchini pamoja na ushauri kuhusu mambo ambayo wananchi wanapaswa kuzingatia wakati wa Uchaguzi Mkuu mwezi wa Oktoba mwaka ule. Hasa sifa za wagombea nafasi za uongozi kuwa ni pamoja na kila mmoja kujiuliza ataifanyia nini nchi yake baada ya kuchaguliwa na anakwenda kufanya nini Ikulu? Ifuatayo ni hotuba ya Mwalimu.

Ni muhimu kukumbuka kuwa hotuba hii imefuata mlolongo wa mazungumzo ambayo Baba wa Taifa alikuwa nayo kwa wananchi katika maeneo mbalimbali ambapo alikuwa anajaribu kuamsha dhamira ya viongozi wetu wa wakati ule. Hotuba hii ni miongoni mwa hotuba ambazo ukweli wa hoja zake ni hazina kubwa kwa vizazi vijavyo vya Watanzania. 

Mwenyekiti wa OTTU, 

Viongozi wa OTTU, 

Viongozi wa Serikali, 

Viongozi wa Madhehebu ya Dini Mkoani na 

Wananchi wote wa Mkoa na Mji wa Mbeya. 

UTANGULIZI

Sababu za kukataa mwaliko wa mwaka uliopita na kuukubali mwaliko wa mwaka huu:

Kwanza kabisa, napenda kuwashukuru viongozi wa OTTU 

ambao walinijia na kuniomba nishiriki katika shughuli hii ya leo. Shukurani ya pili nataka kutoa kwa wananchi wa mjini Mbeya na mkoani Mbeya jinsi mlivyonipokea tangu jana mpaka leo. Ahsanteni sana. 

Ninyi siku zote, pamoja na mimi, tulikuwa tunazo tabia zetu za maadili ya kumwalika Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania kuwa ndiye awe Mgeni Rasmi katika shughuli hii. Kweli najua sasa taratibu zimebadilika, vyama vingi vya siasa, na kadhalika Lakini, hata hivyo, bado mnaweza Mgeni wenu Rasmi kuwa Rais. 

Mwaka huu hamkusudii mnakuja kunialika mimi? Sababu ya pili ya kukataa (mwaka jana) ni ile niliyowambia. Mwaka huu mmegomeana na Serikali. Sasa mwaka ambao mmefanya mgomo na Serikali kuja kuniomba niwe Mgeni Rasmi katika shughuli kama hiyo ndiyo tunatoa ujumbe gani? Ujumbe wa namna yo yote ile mimi siwezi kuutoa. Nilikataa.

 Nasema hizo ndizo sababu zangu za msingi za kuwakatalia mwaka jana na kuwakubalia mwaka huu. Vijana niliowakatalia ndio hawa. Sasa mwaka huu niwakatalie tena? Angalao hiyo ni sababu moja ya kuwakubalia mwaka huu. Huwezi kuwakatalia mwaka hata mwaka! 

Sababu yangu ya pili iliyonifanya nikakubali ni kwamba huu ni mwaka wa uchaguzi. Sasa, mwaka wa uchaguzi lazima wote tushirikiane kusema tunakwenda wapi? Nafasi kama hii ni nzuri kwa mtu ye yote mwenye mawazo kusema “jamani huu ni wakati wa uchaguzi tunakwenda wapi?”

Nikadhani ni nafasi nzuri mkinipa niitumie kutoa maoni yangu. Si yote. Ni baadhi, lakini ni sehemu ya maoni yangu katika jitihada za kusaidiana kuelewa tunatoka wapi, tuko wapi na tunakwenda wapi. Na kama tunataka kwenda huko, tufanyeje ili tufike huko. Tusije tukashtukia tunapelekwa mahala ambako siko tulikokuwa tunakusidia kwenda. 

Hizo ndizo sababu zangu kubwa za kuwa hapa. Hasa ya pili ndiyo iliyonifanya nikakubali kuja hapa. Kwa hiyo, kwanza ninawapongezeni ndugu wafanyakazi kwa siku ya leo, Siku ya Wafanyakazi Duniani. Tunaiadhimisha dunia nzima.

CHIMBUKO LA VYAMA VYA WAFANYAKAZI DUNIANI NA HAJA YA MSHIKAMANO 

Wazo la kuwa na vyama vya wafanyakazi duniani, kwamba wawe na mshikamano na umoja wa kutetea maslahi yao sio wazo la Tanzania wala la nchi zilizoendelea. Kusema kweli, kwa historia, lilianza huko Marekani na lilikubalika. 

Wafanyakazi wa wakati huo, katika nchi ambazo maendeleo yake yalikuwa mazuri, waliamua wafanye mshikamano wa kuleta maendeleo yao na hasa ya kupambana na waajiri wao.

Mwajiri anaanzisha shughuli yake na anafanya kwa nguvu zake mwenyewe. Anataka kulima na analima kwa nguvu zake mwenyewe. Kama anataka kufungua kiwanda chake cha mbao, maana ninyi ni wafanyakazi inapasa nizungumzie habari ya viwanda badala ya kilimo, anafungua kiwanda chake cha kutengeneza samani. Anaweza kutumia vitu vyake mwenyewe na akawa anafanya kazi na seremala mmoja. Atakuwa amepata randa, meza, patasi na kila kitu chake. 

Anafanya kazi yake mwenyewe, anatengeneza vitu vyake, anauza na anapata hicho anachokipata. Hicho anachokipata kinatokana na nguvu yake mwenyewe. Anataka mbao na anatengeneza. Mtu anamwendea na kumwambia, “mimi nataka meza bwana”, anamtengenezea. 

Inabidi mwenyewe ashughulike na meza hii mpaka inakuwa nzuri. Anapata kile anachopata. Nyingine anafidia zile gharama zake za meza, randa na za vyombo vingine vyote hivyo. Halafu, kinachobaki cho chote, ndiyo maslahi yake. Lakini, kile anachopata kinatokana na jasho lake mwenyewe. Akitoka hapo, anaweza kuwa mshiriki na mwenzake, washirikiane wote wawili na sio kwamba mmoja atamwajiri mwingine. Hapana! Wote wawili watafanya kazi kwa pamoja. Watasaidiana vizuri zaidi wakifanya pamoja. Wao, vile vile, wanaweza wakapata maslahi kutokana na nguvu zao wenyewe. 

Mwanzo wa dhuluma ya unyonyaji 

Wakitoka hapo nao wakajifanya ni waajiri wanaotaka kuwaajiri wengine, shughuli ile si ya hawa walioajiriwa tena. Ni ya hawa wawili tu. Wakisha kuwaingiza wengine, hao si yao. Wanasema. Sasa njoo hapa tusaidie kutengeneza meza, vitanda, madirisha na milango. Lakini, meza inapokuwa imekwisha, tunaiuza. Si mali yenu ninyi wafanyakazi. Ni mali yetu. Ninyi chenu humu ni ule mshahara na wala sio faida itakayopatikana humu. Faida, [baada ya kutoa gharama zote za ununuzi wa mbao, usafirishaji wa mbao zote zile pamoja na gharama za kuwaajiri ninyi mwitoe meza hii - kwa kuwa mishahara yenu ni sehemu ya gharama] nikitoa gharama zote hizi, kinachobakia ni changu. 

Sasa ile inayobaki, baada ya kutoa gharama hizo, inaweza kuwa kubwa na inaweza kuwa ndogo. Inategemea sana gharama zilikuwaje. Kama gharama za kununulia mbao zilikuwa kubwa, zinanipunguzia faida yangu. Kama gharama za wafanyakazi ni kubwa mishahara ya wafanyakazi kama ilikuwa mikubwa, inanipunguzia faida yangu. Kwa hiyo, sipendi vyote viwili. Sipendi muuza mbao aniuzie aghali na sipendi mfanyakazi adai mshahara mkubwa. Napenda wote waniuzie rahisi. Nataka mbao kiurahisi, nataka mishahara iwe chini. Hapo ndipo ninapopata faida kiuchumi. 

Hili sijambo la ajabu la wazungu wenzetu wanaojua bali ni la kila mtu mwenye akili kama zenu kutokana na mtiririko wa mantiki wa hoja yenyewe. Kwamba, mimi nataka mshahara wenu uwe mdogo kwa kuwa faida yangu inatokana na mshahara wenu kuwa mdogo. Sasa ninyi mtasema: ALAA Bwana Mkubwa, kazi tufanye sisi halafu wewe utupe mshahara mdogo. Tukufanyie kazi wewe? Basi uone iwapo tutakufanyia. 

Umoja na mshikamano ndio silaha va kupambana na dhuluma ya unyonyaji

Kama watakuwa wananiambia mmoja mmoja, nitawafukuza. Unakuja peke yako na unaniambia Lakini Mzee sasa mimi nataka uniongeze mshahara. Nitakuambia. Unaniambia nini wewe? Unasema nikupe mshahara wa shilingi ngapi? Utajibu. Ah, kama utakavyoona, lakini uniongeze. Mungu anaona na Mtume. Nikaona kidomodomo chake huyu Nikamuambia: Unataka mshahara huo ninaokupa sasa hivi? Nyamaza na nenda kafanye kazi huku utachagua. Kama hutaki, toka. Kazi sikukuomba. Ulikuja mwenyewe. 

Nitakutisha hivyo. Ukifikiri mchezo, nitakufukuza. Na wenzako watajua kafukuzwa kwa nini yule. Amedai mshahara mwingi. Mimi kimya! Wengine hawatathubutu tena maana watafikiri. Nikisemasema hapa na mimi nitatimuliwa na watoto wana njaa. Nikitimuliwa nitapata taabu. Wewe unaonaje? Anaendelea huyu kukunyanyasa. Kama anaweza kuwanyonya wauza mbao na kukunyonya wewe mfanyakazi, atawanyonyeni wote mpaka wauza mbao washirikiane kwa pamoja wapate bei nzuri. Mpaka wafanyakazi washirikiane kwa pamoja wapate mishahara mizuri. Bila kushirikiana, hawapati mishahara mizuri. 

Hii ndiyo asili ya kuanzisha Vyama vya Wafanyakazi. Nasema hamkuvianzisha ninyi vilianzishwa zamani, tena Marekani. Lakini, Marekani havikuwa na nguvu sana. Vilikuwa na nguvu zaidi Ulaya. Hata hivyo, havina nguvu sana tena Ulaya. Sitaki kuingilia na kuliendeleza hili kwa kuwa viongozi wenu kama wanaelewa, watawaelezeni.

 Zamani, Vyama vya Wafanyakazi vilianzisha mshikamano wa Wafanyakazi Duniani. Kauli mbiu yake ilikuwa Wafanyakazi Duniani Unganeni. Hamna cha Kupoteza isipokuwa minyororo yenu. Mantiki ya kauli mbiu hiyo i1ikuwa kwamba, kwa kuwa mmefungwa minyororo na mmenyonywa unganeni. Huo ulikuwa ndio ujumbe wa kauli mbiu hiyo kwa Wafanyakazi Dunia nzima. Hata hivyo, sisi hatukuwapo. 

TUMETOKA WAPI?

Hatukuwa wamoja

Hii ni nchi mpya na ndiyo ambayo tumekuwa tunajaribu kuijenga. Kwanza Tanganyika, kwa muda mfupi na, halafu, Tanzania. Kusema kweli, sisi wengine maisha yetu ya urais wetu ni wa nchi inayoitwa Tanzania. 

Nilipokuwa rais wenu, ni1ifanya juhudi za kukomboa eneo hili linaloitwa Tanganyika. Lakini, uongozi wangu niliowaongoza ninyi katika nchi huru inayojitawala na raia duniani wa nchi huru inayojitawala. Niliwaongozeni katika nchi inayoitwa Tanzania. Tanganyika niliwaongozeni kwa muda mfupi tu; tangu Disemba 1962 mpaka Aprili 1964 basi. Kipindi changu kingine chote, niliongoza nchi inayoitwa Tanzania siyo Tanganyika. Kwa kweli, siijui Tanganyika ya watu huru. Ni muda mfupi mno. 

Nchi hii Tanganyika, ni nchi changa. Watu wake waliwekwa katika sehemu inayoitwa moja na Wajerumani. Wamakonde na Wazanaki hawakuwa wamoja. Waliwekwa pamoja na Wajerumani ili watawaliwe. Jitihada ya kuwafanya wawe pamoja na kuanza kusema “Ninyi ni Wamoja” haikufanywa na Wajerumani. Hakuna Wajerumani ambao wangeweza kusema “Ninyi ni Wamoja” kwa kuwa lengo lao halikuwa kujenga umoja. Wajuremani walichoweza kusema ni kwamba “Ninyi ni Tofauti, Ninyi ni Tofauti!” ili waendelee kututawala. 

Jitihada ya kwanza ya dhati ya kusema “Ninyi ni Wamoja” ilikuwa ni yetu sisi tulipoanzisha chama cha TANU. Shabaha yake kubwa ilikuwa ni kujaribu kujenga umoja ili tuwatimue Waingereza. Lakini mbinu yake ya kwanza kabisa iliyotajwa ilikuwa ni kufuta ukabila. “Sahau Ukabila!” tulitamka kwa ukali. Wale ambao, labda mpaka leo, wanako kakitabu ka milango ya historia ka Katiba ya TANU wataona tumeshambulia kitu ukabila. Tukaanza hatua ya kwanza kabisa, kusema “Sisi ni Taifa”. Lakini halikuwa likiitwa taifa la Tanganyika. 

Tujenge misingi va umoja ili tuelewane na tujuane kuwa ni wamoja na ni ndugu

Nataka kusisitiza nini: Kwamba sisi ni taifa changa miongoni mwa mataifa machanga. Taifa hili halijajenga mizizi mirefu ya kuwa taifa huru kuwakaribia Waingereza. Waingereza wana miaka mingapi? Sijui, labda elfu na zaidi. 

Katika mataifa machanga duniani, moja ni Marekani. Lakini, Marekani wana miaka mia mbili na zaidi ya kuwa taifa. Vitaifa vingi vya Ulaya vina miaka mingi tu! Mataifa machanga haya lazima yajenge misingi inayowafanya raia wake wajiite sisi. 

Tumejitahidi na ndivyo jitihada zetu zilivyokuwa. Lakini ukijenga nchi moja, unajenga misingi ya umoja ili tuelewane na tujuane kwamba sisi ni wamoja, ni ndugu. Kama tunahangaika kufanya kazi hapa, tunahangaika kwa pamoja. Kama tunahangaikia ulinzi, tunalinda nchi yetu kwa maslahi yetu pamoja.

Tunaulizana “nini mahitaji yenu?” Tunajitahidi wote, tunayapata. Kama tunataka elimu, tunasaidiana wote tupate elimu. Siyo tuseme kwamba wengine wapate elimu wengine wasipate. Kama tunataka afya, tunataka kujitahidi wote tuweze kutafuta njia kusudi wote wote tupate afya, wote tuwe na afya. Siyo wengine wapate afya wengine wasipate. Kama tunataka nyumba nzuri, wote tujitahidi kwa pamoja tuone kwamba tunajenga mazingira wezesha yatakayohakikisha kuwa kila Mtanzania atakuwa na nyumba nzuri kwa pamoja. Hapo ndipo tunaweza kushirikiana tujenge nchi pamoja.

Azimio la Arusha na Siasa ya TANU ya Ujamaa na Kujitegemea

Tukaweka kitu kimoja hapa kinaitwa Azimio la Arusha. Leo narudia kusoma Azimio la Arusha hata kama hamlitaki. Kama kuna watu Tanzania hawajali, wachukue waanze kulisoma ili waone na waniambie wanachokiona mle kibaya ni nini hasa. Asome tu kwa dhati tu na kisha aseme hiki ni kibaya.

Siasa va Ujamaa

Linasema Azimio la Arusha, kwa msingi kabisa, kwamba “Nchi.yetu ni ya Wakulima na Wafañyakazi”. Sasa mnasemaje? Imeacha kuwa ni nchi ya Wakulima na Wafanyakazi? Kwa hiyo, kama tunaijenga nchi hii, tunaijenga kwa faida ya Wakulima na Wafanyakazi. Ndivyo Azimio Ia Arusha linavyosema. Ukweli huo umekwisha? Umefutika? Umefutwa na nani? Nini kimefuta ukweli huo kwamba nchi hii ni ya Wakulima na Wafanyakazi? Ninyi hapa ni Wakulima na Wafanyakazi. Mtaona wafanyabiashara wadogo wadogo, siku hizi wengine wanaitwa Wamachinga. Lakini, hasa hasa, nchi hii bado ni nchi ya Wakulima na Wafanyakazi. Kama tutafanya jitihada za kuijenga nchi hii, tutajenga uchumi wake na huduma zake za umma ambazo lazima ziwafae Wakulima na Wafanyakazi. Hali hiyo imebadilika lini? 

Siasa va Kujitegemea

Tukasema kwamba “Hatuna budi kujenga nchi hii kwa kujitegemea”. Hatuwezi kuwa tunataka maslahi yetu ya Watanzania ya afya bora, maisha bora na elimu nzuri lakini eti tudhani tunaye mjomba huko nje atakuja kutuletea maslahi hayo. HATUNA! Tutajenga nchi hii kwa faida yetu wenyewe sisi wenyewe. Akipatikana mtu kutusaidia, tutamshukuru. Lakini kazi ya kujenga nchi hii kwa manufaa ya Watanzania wote ni kazi ya Watanzania, si kazi ya mtu mwingine. Msimamo huo tukauita Siasa ya Kujitegemea. 

Msingi huo umekufa. Hivi mmeshapata mjomba? Hivi kweli mtawadanganya Wafanyakazi hawa msiwambie “chapeni kazi kama mnataka maslahi yenu yaboreshwe, tuchape kazi kwa faida yetu!” Tuache kuwambia wakulima kwamba “kama tunataka maendeleo, tuchape kazi hivyo hivyo”. Hivi mtawambia hawa kwamba “tumeshapata mjomba msiwe na wasiwasi!” Mjomba huyo ni nani? Mimi nitafurahi kumwona. Nitakwenda kumwona, lakini sitamwuliza lo lote. Nitafurahi kumwona. Halafu mkinionyesha, “ndiye huyu mjomba”, nitacheeka!! Hali ya nchi hii haijabadilika hata kidogo. Tanaweza kujenga nchi kwa maslahi ya Watanzania kwa siasa ya kujitegemea tu, lakini kwa manufaa ya wote. Manufaa ya wote ndicho tulichokiita ujamaa. 

Nchi ya Kijamaa

“Nchi ya Ujamaa”, tukasema, “ni nchi ambako kila mtu anafanya kazi. Kama ni mkulima, anafanya kazi; kama ni mfanyakazi, anafanya kazi”. Lililokuwa la msingi na linalotawala ni mfanyakazi: maslahi yanatokana na kazi yake na jasho lake. Watu ambao hawana ulazima, kimsingi ya kupata maslahi yao kutokana na jasho lao wenyewe wapo. Watoto wadogo hawana jukumu hilo. Eti chakula chao kitokane na nguvu zao wenyewe? Hao ni wanyonyaji wa haki sawa kwani wanawanyonya mama zao. Ni haki yao. Lakini zee na madevu yake hatulitazamii limnyonye mama yake. Watoto wadogo tu wanayo haki hiyo. Vile vile, kuna watu ambao hawana uwezo wowote ule wa kujifanyia kazi- sio uwezo wa kutokuwa na kazi! Wako watu hawawezi. Wana vilema fulani ambao hawawezi kufanya kazi wajipatie riziki kwa kazi na kwa nguvu zao wenyewe. Hawa wana haki ya kulishwa na kutunzwa na umma pamoja na jumuiya zote. Hali kadhalika, wako watu wazima ambao wamefanya kazi zao. Walipofika umri wao wa kushindwa, hawawezi kufanya kazi tena. Ah, basi tena. Hawajiwezi hawa, tuwatunze. Hawa ni haki kuwatunza. Wamo watu wa aina hiyo wanajulikana kila mahala. 

Nchi ya Kibepari

Hata hivyo, mbali ya makundi hayo, wapo watu wengine ambao wanapata riziki yao kwa kufanya kazi na wengine wanapata riziki yao kwa kafanyiwa kazi. Nasema nchi ya namna hiyo inaitwa ya kibepari. Nchi inakubali wengine wafanye kazi na kupata riziki yao kwa jasho kama inavyosema misahafu, wengine wanafanyakazi kwa kunyonya kama watoto wadogo kama vile vilema na vizee. Ni majitu yanakaa na uwezo wao yanatumia wengine kama vyombo. Kwa hiyo, mfanyakazi na randa ni sawa sawa. Nasema nchi ya namna hiyo inaitwa ni nchi ya kibepari. Sasa katika dunia ya siku hizi maneno hayo si mazuri sana kuyasema. Na mimi nawakumbusheni tu na wala sijayasema! Mimi sina taabu, nawakumbusheni tu. Hill Azimio la Arusha, ambalo sasa mnalitemea mate, lilikuwa linasema hivyo na, kutokana nalo, kuna mambo fulani tukaanza kuyapata.

BAADHI YA MATUNDA YA AZIMIO LA ARUSHA

Moja ya mambo yanayopaswa kuzingatiwa ni la hali yetu mbovu ilivyokuwa kwanza wakati tunajitawala. Nchi tuliyoipokea kutoka kwa wakoloni ilikuwa ni masikini sana. Ilikuwa nyuma kabisa kwa upande wa elimu. Tulipojitawala, tulikuwa na wahandisi wawili. Kijana mmoja aliitwa Mbuya na alifariki katika miaka miwili hivi baada ya kujitawala. Tulikuwa na madaktari kumi na wawili wakati tunajitawala mwaka wa sitini na moja. 

Kujenga uçhumi wa viwanda

Tukaanza shughuli ya kujenga uchumi wetu. Natumaini nitazungumzia hili la viwanda. Nchi zinazoendelea duniani [kama Marekani ya Kaskazini, Marekani yenyewe na Kanada, Ulaya, hasa Ulaya Magharibi na Japani] na maana moja ya kuendelea ni kwamba uchumi wake unategemea viwanda. Viwanda ndivyo vinatengeneza vipaza sauti, kamera zetu tunazotumia sasa nakadhalika. 

Maana ya maendeleo ya leo ya uchumi wenye nguvu ni maendeleo ya viwanda. Nchi yenye viwanda tunasema ni nchi iliyoendelea. Hata hivyo, tuna maana nyingine ya nchi zilizoendelea ya kuziita ni nchi zenye viwanda. Nchi haiwezi kuendelea bila kuwa na viwanda vya kisasa. 

Viwanda vya nguo ndio rahisi kuanza navyo:  historia ya utawala wa Waingereza India 

Wakati tunajitawala, hatukuwa na viwanda. Tulikuwa tunalima kahawa, mkonge na pamba, lakini tunanuza vyote nje. Mimi najua kidogo historia ya Uingereza, ilikuwa ndiyo nchi ya kwanza duniani kuanza maendeleo ya kisasa ya viwanda. Sekta moja ya viwanda walioanza nayo, ambayo ilikuwa rahisi wakati huo na leo ni rahisi zaidi, ilikuwa ya kutengeneza nguo. Waingereza wakaitumia na wakajenga viwanda. Nguo zao zikawa zinatokana na viwanda vyao. 

Vile vile, walikuwa wana dola kubwa. Walikuwa wanatutawala sisi Afrika, wanawatawala Asia na wanatawala sehemu nyingine za Amerika, lakini hasa Afrika na Asia. Walipoingia India, walikuta Wahindi tayari wanatengeneza nguo zao kwa mashini. Wakawaza “hata Wahindi nao wanatengeneza nguo! Haina maana”. Wakawazuia Wahindi kutengeneza nguo kusudi soko duniani liwe la Waingereza: liwe huru lisizuiwe zuiwe. Namna moja kulifanya soko hilo kuwa huru ilikuwa ni kwa kuvitawala vijitu hivi, halafu unauza vitu vyako. Wenyewe ndivyo walivyoanza na viwanda vya nguo na, baadaye, wakaongeza vingine na hatima yake, Waingereza wakawa wakubwa. Wenzao duniani wakaona  “Alaa hivi Vingereza tunaviachia vinaendelea namna hii kwa nini?”. Wakaanza mambo, wakagombana gombana, wakapigana pigana na wakanyang’ anyana. 

Tulipojitawala mwaka sitini na moja tulikuwa tunajua mambo haya, ijapokuwa tulikuwa wachache, kwamba nchi haiwezi kuendelea na kuwa ya kisasa bila viwanda. Mtawachumia pamba wakubwa hawa na kukata miwa. Hiyo ilikuwa sababu moja ya kuleta utumwa ili kuwachukua Waafrika waende Marekani wakachume pamba na wakakate miwa.

 Baada ya kupata uhuru tukajiuliza. Leo tunajitawala, tuendelee kuchuma pamba na kukata miwa? Tukaamua: Tuanze kujenga viwanda kwa kuwa sisi tunalima pamba. Kwa hiyo, shughuli ya kwanza kabisa tutakayoanza nayo ni ya kujenga viwanda vya nguo. 

Nikawaomba wanaojua mambo haya ya viwanda duniani. Wakati huo sisi wenyewe hatukuwa na watalaam. Nikawaeleza watu hawa maneno haya: Hivi tunajitawala, tuendelee kuuza pamba ghafi nje? Nataka nianze kutengeneza nguo hapa Tanzania.

 Wakanishauri na wakaniambia Mwalimu, mnaweza kuanza kutengeneza nguo kutoka pamba yenu hapa. Jenga uwezo ili Tanzania iweze kutumia asilimia themanini na tano (85%) ya pamba inayolimwa Tanzania kutengeneza nguo hapa hapa. 

Walinishauri nijenge uwezo ndani ya Tanzania wa kutumia asilimia themanini na tano (85%) ya pamba yetu hapa hapa. Asilimia kumi na tano (15%) ya pamba iliyobaki, ama tunaweza tuitumie wenyewe hapa hapa au tunaweza kuiuza nje. Hiyo ilikuwa safi sana, kwamba tujenge viwanda kwa makusudi kabisa.

 Wakati ule, hata mimi ningekuwa na sera za kibepari, ningejenga viwanda. Mabepari ndio walioanza viwanda na viwanda vyenyewe hivyo havikuwa na sera ya ubepari au ujamaa. Vilikuwa ni viwanda tu! Sasa tukaanza kujenga viwanda vya nguo na sasa sitaki kusema sana juu ya jambo hili.

TUKO WAPI – MAKOSA YA UBINAFSISHAJI WA MASHIRIKA YA UMMA

Juzi juzi, wakati nipo pale Dodoma, vijana walinikumbusha. Mwalimu, ulipotoka, uliacha viwanda vya nguo vya umma kumi na viwili. Kati ya viwanda hivyo kumi na viwili, kumi vimefungwa na viwili vilivyobaki kimoja hatujui hata kama kitapata pamba. Tusipoangalia, vyote viwili vilivyobaki vitafungwa. 

Juu ya Mashirika ya Umma

Nataka kusema kidogo juu ya hiki kitu kinachoitwa mashirika ya umma. Sijui yananuka? Hata hivyo, hata kama yananuka, nataka kujua kwa nini yananuka. Lazima tujiulize kwa nini yananuka. Sababu ya kusema hivi ni kwamba mimi nilikuwa sijui, lakini vijana walinikumbusha wakaniambia “Mwalimu, ulipondoka, uliacha kumi na mbili”, Mimi kitu kimoja nilichokuwa nakifikiria ni kwamba sasa viwanda vyetu vya nguo vilikuwa vinafikia shabaha ile tuliyokuwa tunataka ya kuweza kutumia asilimia themanini na tano (85%) ya pamba hapa nyumbani. 

Nilipowauliza vijana kwa nini viwanda kumi vimefungwa na viwili vilivyobaki vipo katika hatari ya kufungwa, nilielezwa kwamba kuna sera inayoitwa sera ya ubinafsishaji. CCM wasiogope sana, na ninyi mniwie radhi kwa kusema CCM, maana ndiyo yenye serikali inayotawala. 

Sasa mimi nifanyeje? Wala CCM wasije wakaninung’ukia, maana ndicho chama kinachotawala, na wale wa vyama vingine wasije wakasema “Mbona Mwalimu umesema kama unaipendelea CCM? Aka! Kama wanataka niwabomoe, naweza kuwabomoä, lakini sitaki. 

Mimi nataka kueleza hali yetu ilivyo hivi sasa na nataka kusema, mosi, tunatoka wapi, tuko wapi na tunataka kwenda wapi, Pili, kama tunataka kwenda huko, tufanye nini tusije tukashtukia tunapelekwa mahala ambako siko tunakokusudia kwenda. Na hiyo ndiyo shabaha yangu. 

CCM imebadili sera ya Azimio la Arusha

CCM imebadili sera ya Azimio  la Arusha. Mimi sina ugomvi hata kidogo. Naweza kusema nina ugomvi wa kiitikadi, ingawa sijasema “mbona mnaacha sera yetu ina ubaya gani?”. Aidha sina ugomvi wa msingi wa kitaifa kwa sababu mnaweza mkaacha Azimio la Arusha na baadae mkajenga uchumi imara tu kwa manufaa ya wananchi. Ziko namna nyingi za kufanya hivyo na si lazima kufuata Azimio la Arusha. 

Sera za CCM

Sasa CCM wanazo sera ambazo zimefafanuliwa katika kakitabu haka kanakoitwa Mwelekeo wa Sera za CCM katika Miaka ya Tisini. Hii imetengenezwa na ndio marekebisho ya Azimio la Arusha. Ndiyo sera yao mpya baada ya kusahihisha Azimio la Arusha. Kuna sehemu ninayotaka kuitumia kueleza hayo ninayotaka kuyaeleza ambayo inahusu mashirika ya umma.

Sera ya ubinafsishaji wa mashirika ya Umma

Kuhusu mashirika ya umma, sera yake inasema. “Mashirika ambayo ni ya msingi na nyeti kwa maendeleo ya taifa kama bandari, reli, posta ma simu, nishati na mabenki ya umma yaliyopo, yaendelee kumilikiwa na dola. Hata hivyo, wananchi wataweza kuuziwa sehemu ya hisa katika mashirika hayo yote na mashirika haya yanaweza kuingia ubia na makampuni binafsi, mradi tu kwa uwiano unaolifanya shirika kuendelea kuwa la dola”. Mimi nilipokuwa nasoma jana nikaafiki na kukubali. Sina ugomvi na hilo na sina ugomvi kabisa kwani ndivyo tulivyosema katika Azimio la Arusha. Lakini mambo haya lazima yabadilike. Sasa sina ugomvi na hili.

Pili: “Mashirika ya umma ambayo yanaendelea kwa ufanisi lazima yaendelee kuwa ya dola kwa lengo la kuendelea kuwashirikisha wananchi katika umilikaji. Mipango itaandaliwa ya kuwawezesha wananchi kununua hisa katika mashirika hayo. Pia mashirika ambayo yanahitaji mtaji au kupenyeza sayansi na teknolojia ya kisasa yataweza kuingia katika ubia iili kutimiza azma hiyo. Aidha kwa mashirika ambayo serikali italazimika kumiliki, mashirika haya itabidi yaendeshwe kibiashara”. Mimi nakubali mia kwa mia, sina maneno na wala sioni tatizo na hilo.

Tatu: “Kwa upande wa mashirika ambayo yanaweza kufanya shughuli zake kwa faida lakini yana matatizo mbali mbali kama ya ukosefu wa mtaji, madeni makubwa katika mabenki, menejimenti mbovu na kadhatika, dola itachukua hatua ya kulazimika kuondoa menejimenti mbovu, kuimarisha mtaji kwa kuwauzia wananchi hisa na kuingia ubia na vyombo vingine vya kiuchumi au kuyakodisha kwa mteja mwenye uwezo wa kuyaendesha kwa faida”. Mimi hiyo bado naikubali na sina matatizo.

Nne: “Mashirika yaliyo sugu [“mashirika yaliyo sugu” tena Kiswahili kizuri sana] kwa kufanya shughuli kwa hasara yatakodishwa, ama kuuzwa au kufungwa kwa kutilia maanani  zaidi jawabu ambalo ni la maslahi zaidi kwa taifa”. Sasa mimi nasema hilo bado nalikubali kwani shughuli hii imekuwa inaendelea. Nimesikia kwamba shirika, halikuwa ni shirika la umma, lilikuwa ni Benki ya Ushirika na Maendeleo Vijijini (CRDB), peke yake ndicho chombo cha namna hiyo ambacho kimepitapita kuuza hisa. Mengine sijayasikia, yanaweza kuwa yapo.

Uuzaji wa mashirika ya umma

Uuzaji wa mengine, ambayo sivyo sera inavyosema [sera haisemi mashirika yanayoendeshwa kwa faida yauzwe hata kidogo], sijui yanavyouzwa. CRDB wamepita kwangu pale wameniomba ninunue hisa. Nitapata wapi mimi? Hata hivyo, wamepitapita wanaomba watu wanunue hisa; wanakwenda kwenye vyama vya ushirika na wanawaomba watu binafsi. Angalau, hicho ni kitendo cha kushirikisha watu ambacho wamekifanya na watu wametumia fursa hiyo kama sera inavyosema. 

Mengine tunasikia yanakwenda tu. Eti sasa ni kwamba, kwa mfano, kile kiwanda cha sigara, ni cha umma ni chetu wote pamoja. Najua wewe huna hisa, mimi sina hisa na wala hakuna mtu mwenye hisa. Lakini ni cha umma na kinafanya shughuli zake kwa faida. 

Tofauti kati va shirika ya umma na shirika/kampuni binafsi

Nimechukua mfano wa kiwanda ambacho kinafanya shughuli zake kwa faida. Kama kinafanya shughuli zake kwa faida, wote tunapata faida. Chukua mfano wa viwanda viwili vinavyoendeshwa vizuri na vinapata faida. Kimoja kama kile cha sigara na cha pili ni cha watu binafsi. Sasa tofauti yake ni nini? Hiki cha watu binafsi kinalipa kodi ya serikali na hiki cha umma kinalipa kodi ile ile na kwa mujibu wa sheria ile ilee. Kwa hiyo, hivyo vyote vinalipa kodi ile ile juu ya faida kwa asilimia ya faida zao kwa mujibu wa sheria. Baada ya kodi, pato lililobaki linagawanywa kwenye hisa. Kile cha umma pato lake linakwenda kwa serikali: kwa umma. Hiki kingine, faida yake inakwenda kwa watu binafsi wachache. 

Ndiyo maana, mpaka leo, mimi napendelea hiki cha umma zaidi kuliko kile cha watu binafsi. Vyote vinafanya biashara nzuri tu na vinalipa kodi ya serikali kama kawaida na vinawapa faida iliyobaki wenye kiwanda. Hata hivyo, hicho cha kwanza, cha umma kinawapa faida iliyobaki wenye kiwanda hicho ambao ni umma, na msimamizi wake ni serikali. Kwa hiyo, serikali ndiyo inayochukua mapato yake kwa niaba ya wananchi wake. Mimi mpaka leo, hata ninyi mngesemaje, bado nakipenda hiki cha umma. 

Tukitaka kuongeza viwanda vya watu binafsi, tuongeza tu!

Kama tunasema sasa hivi tunataka kuongeza vile viwanda vya watu binafsi, tuongeze tu! Nani atatuzuia? Ongezeni vile vya watu binafsi. Viongezwe kwa wingi kabisa! Hata hivyo, mnapochukua hiki cha umma, kwa maana niliyoieleza, mkasema eti mnataka sasa kiwe cha wananchi moja kwa moja ili na mimi Nyerere niseme “sasa nina hisa pale”, mimi siafiki. Watu wangapi mtakuwa na hisa? Hebu niambieni, wangapi? 

Mnachukua mali yetu wote kabisa, kiwanda cha sigara kile kina mali, kinapata faida na serikali inaitumia kuongezea fedha za kodi na tunaifanyia kazi ya umma. Mnavyosema leo ni kwamba mmegundua njia moja nzuri zaidi ya kushirikisha wananchi katika uchumi. Mimi nawambineni: ongezeni viwanda.

Muwashawishi wananchi wa Tanzania waongeze viwanda. Wasaidieni kuongeza viwanda. Lakini, hiki cha wote, mnataka kuwapa watu wachache, halafu mnasema ndio ushirikishaji? Mimi sielewi maana yake. Hii ni mali yetu wote pamoja: ni mfuko wa pamoja tunachota inatusaidia katika elimu, afya na mahitaji mengine. 

Sasa hivi tunayo matatizo ya ukusanyaji kodi. Kiwanda hiki hakina matatizo hata kidogo. Kinaendeshwa vizuri kwa faida. Kwa hiyo, tunacho chombo ambacho kinatoa faida. Kinatusaidia. Leo shule na hospitali zina matatizo kwa sababu kodi mbali mbali hazikusanywi. Lakini kiwanda hiki kinalipa kodi yake kama kawaida. Miongoni mwa wale wanaokwepa kulipa kodi, si mmoja wao. Viwanda vya umma si mmoja wapo hata kidogo. Vinalipa kodi zake kama kawaida, havikwepi kulipa hata senti moja. Halafu, kinapopata faida, tunabaki nayo na tunafanya shughuli za wananchi. Hiki mnasema leo tukigawanye tuwashirikishe wananchi kwa kukimiliki moja kwa moja. Wangapi mtamiliki: ninyi wangapi? Itakuwa ni kuchukua fulani na fulani tu! Kiwanda ambacho ni chetu wote kabisa na faida itakapobaki, badala ya kwenda Hazina, iende kwa wewe na mimi! 

Ndiyo tumekibinafsisha na hii ndiyo sera mpya ya kuleta manufaa Tanzania! Hii ndiyo mbinu mpya imegunduliwa? Ujamaa mpya huo! Huo ni unyang’anyi tu wa mali yetu wote. 

Kutegemea mtu mwingine kwa mawazo ni kubaya kupita yote kabisa

Hili ni jambo la upumbavu. Katika masuala ya uchumi wa nchi, lazima tufanye tofauti baina ya kujitajirisha wachache na kuleta manufaa ya watu wengi. Sasa, sera hii itazaa mamilionea sasa hivi na sio baadaye, lakini watakuwa mamilionea watano. Hata hivyo, wakati huo huo, pia itazaa masikini na Tanzania itakuwa na masikini wengi sana.

Sasa nataka niseme kuwa nimetumia kiwanda cha sigara kama mfano tu kuonyesha kwamba nchi haiwezi kuendelea hata kidogo kwa kupuuza viwanda. Sasa tunafunga viwanda. Sijui hiyo inaitwa sera ya kuondoa ama kuzuia viwanda, lakini haya ni matatizo ambayo tunayo na usifikiri ni Tanzania peke yake. Nilikuwa Mwenyekiti wa Tume ya Kusini nimepita pita Afrika, Asia na Amerika ya Kusini. Nimeshuhudia mawazo na mipango ya aina hiyo kuwa ndiyo inayoongoza na kutawala. Hilo ndilo nililowambia hivi punde kwamba, wakati Waingereza wanatawala India, waliwaambia Wahindi. “Hapana kutengeneza nguo.”

Hali hiyo inaendelea na wala haijabadilika mpaka leo kwani bado duniani tunaona nchi zenye viwanda huvibana viinchi vidogo viache mambo ya viwanda. Sasa taabu yetu, wala si Tanzania peke yake kuna vi inchi vingi, ni kwamba viongozi wetu hawakatai. Wanakubali tu. Lakini sisi ni madodoki? Dodoki ulitumbukize katika maji, hata yenye takataka, linazoa tu!

Kusema kweli, duniani watu wanafikiri kwamba labda sisi ni masikini. Lakini umasikini mbaya kulio wote ni umasikini wa mawazo. Ni mbaya sana. Duniani kuna kujitegemea na kutegemea. Unaweza kutegemea, lakini kutegemea kokote ni kubaya sana. Kwa hali yo yote ile, kutegemea kubaya kupita kote kabisa ni kutegemea mtu mwingine kwa mawazo. Ni kwa ovyo sana kunakunyima utu  wako. 

Watu tunaafikiana na wazo. Lakini mawazo ambayo wazi wazi ni ya kijinga lazima tuyakatae. Kwa sababu mtu mwenye akili akikupa mawazo ya kipumbavu, usipoyakataa, atakudharau. Narudia, mtu ye yote mwenye akili akikupa mawazo ya kipumbavu na wewe una akili na unajua ni ya kipumbavu na ukayakubali, atakudharau. Sasa hatuwezi tukakubali mambo ya kipumbavu Tanzania. 

Shirika la Fedha la Kimataifa sio Wizara va Fedha ya Kimataifa

Ukiuliza kwa nini, wanasema “Mwalimu Benki ya Dunia”. Benki ya Dunia hawa nani?. Mungu gani mpya huyu anaitwa Benki ya Dunia? Vile vile wanasema, “Mwalimu, tumebanwa na Shirika la Fedha la Kimataifa”. Hawa ndio nani? Hawa nimeanza kuwasema mwaka 1980 nikasema “tangu lini Shirika la Fedha la Kimaatifa limegeuzwa kuwa Wizara ya Fedha ya Kimataifa?” Swali hili nililiuliza mwaka themanini wakati nilikuwa nadhani nitaacha uongozi wa nchi yetu. Kwa nini, kama kweli sisi watu wazima na akili zetu, tunakubali mambo ya kipumbavu tunasema, ‘tuuze mashirika yetu’. Tulianza na mashirika ambayo hayana faida tukasema; “uzeni hili halina maana’. 

Lakini, taratibu tukasema, ‘mashirika yenye faida sasa uzeni’ na tunaanza kuyauza. Hata hivyo, tunauliza “haya tunayauza kwa misingi gani maana hata chama chetu kinasema tusiyauze” wanajibu, “ah! Mwalimu, tumebanwa na Shirika Ia Fedha la Kimataifa”. Mungu mpya nani huyu? Hivi ni kweli hatuwezi kukataa sasa? Kwa nini nasema hivi ni kwa sababu tayari tunayo matatizo mengi katika uchumi, afya na huduma za umma zote. Mambo yanakwenda ovyo. Ukiuliza kwa nini, wanajibu “Shirika la Fedha la Kimataifa Mzee”. Ni kitu gani hicho? 

Serikali haihimizi ulipaji kodi

Wamewahi kunijia vijana wetu wamiliki wa viwanda hapa nchini wakati bado ningali Mwenyekiti wa CCM wakaniambia: “Mwalimu, wafanya biashara hawa si wafanya biashara ni walanguzi”. Vile vile, wafanyabiashara wenye viwanda vyao walinifuata pale Msasani, wakati ningali Mwenyekiti wa CCM, wakaniambia: Mwalimu, tunaomba serikali ikusanye kodi, hilo tu. Hatuombi serikali itulinde. Isilinde viwanda vyetu kwa namna nyingine yo yote isipokuwa ikusanye kodi basi. Kama ikikusanya kodi, basi nguo zinazoingia kutoka nchi jirani, zisiingie bila kulipa kodi. Zilipe kodi, hatuombi zaidi ya hapo. Zikilipa kodi, basi tutashindana. Zisipolipa kodi, bidhaa tunazoziona zote hizi hazilipi kodi. Hatuwezi kushindana hata kidogo. Tutakufa. Wakubwa hawa hatuwawezi. Wataleta vitu hapa, kwanza ni rahisi zaidi kuliko vyetu. Pili, visilipe kodi forodhani, viingie nchini hivi hivi! Viwanda vyetu vitakufa! Sasa nasema, angalao serikali ichukue kodi na kodi ipo, na wala sisemi waongeze kodi kwani vipimo vile vya kodi vipo. Tunachoomba serikali itoze tu.

“Serikali”, wananiambia, “ zaidi ya miaka mitatu tokea mwaka 1995 imepoteza shilingi sitini bilioni taslim”. Nimeambiwa hilo zaidi ya mara tatu na wafanyabiashara “Serikali inapoteza shilingi sitini bilioni kwa kutokusaya kodi”. Mara tatu! Kwa hiyo, safari hii niliposikia wakubwa wanasema mmepoteza sabini bilioni miaka mitatu au minne iliyopita, sikushangaa.

Hamkusanyi kodi kwa nini? Kwa kutokusanya kodi, mnaviua viwanda vyetu vya nyumbani hapa. Lakini, mnafanya madhambi mengine makubwa zaidi kuliko kuviua viwanda vyetu. Mnasemaje, maana kisingizio hiki cha kusema ni Shirika la Fedha la Kimataifa na Benki ya Dunia hakipo tena kwani baadhi yao ndio wanaosema “kusanyeni kodi”. Hivi kisingizio hiki cha kwamba kila jambo ni Shirika la. Fedha la Kimataifa na Benki ya Dunia ni cha kweli mpaka leo? Mbona wao tena ndio wanaowambieni “Kusanyeni kodi msipokusanya, tunaweza tukafikiria kuchukua hatua kama mnadhani ni mambo ya utani hivi. Sasa kusanyeni kodi!” 

TUNAKWENDA WAPI? - VIONGOZI TUNAOWATAKA

Naeleza baadhi ya matatizo ambayo viongozi tutakaowachagua tuwe na hakika iwapo wanayaona hivi kama sisi tunavyoyaona. Yanawauma kama sisi yanavyotuuma na kwamba, watakapofika hapo wanapopataka watusaidie kuyatatua. Wanayaona, yanawakera na hata watakapofika hapo, hicho ndicho kitakachowasukuma kutaka kuwa marais wetu na wabunge wetu. Marekani walikuwa na rais wao kijana mmoja mdogo anaitwa John Kennedy. Walimpiga risasi. Marekani nao ni watu wa ajabu sana! Vijana walilaani tukio hilo kwa kuwa walikuwa wanadhani wamemchagua rais wa umri wa kama miaka arobaini na mitatu au minne hivi. Sasa huyo ni kijana, hata kwa hapa Tanzania leo ni kijana. Alipochaguliwa na Marekani akawa Rais wao. Katika hotuba yake ya kwanza kabisa aliwambia wananchi wenzake, hasa vijana “Usiulize Marekani itakufanyia nini, jiulize wewe utaifanyia nini Marekani?”. 

Kila anayetaka kuwa mgombea wa urais/ubunge ajiulize ataifanyia nini nchi yake

Tunataka mtu anayetaka kuwa rais wetu ajiulize anataka kuifanyia nini nchi yetu na sio nchi yetu itamfanyia nini. Na tunataka swali hilo ajiulize kila mtu anayetaka kuwa mgombea wa chama cho chote kuwa mbunge/rais: “Kwa nini, kwa dhati kabisa, anaumwa na umasikini wetu na umasikini huo ndio unaomsukuma ashughulike na mambo haya ya siasa katika ngazi hiyo ama ya ubunge ama ya urais”. Kama sivyo, hatufai! 

Mtu hapakimbilii Ikulu: Hakuna Biashara Ikulu

Mtu anayetaka kwenda Ikulu kutaka faida ye yote Ikulu pale hatufai hata kidogo. Wananchi, mimi nimekaa pale Ikulu kwa muda mrefu zaidi kuliko mwingine ye yote, wala sidhani kuna mtu mwingine anaweza kuzidi muda huo. Tayari hapa tumeweka sheria. Kwa mujibu wa sheria, mtu hawezi tena kukaa Ikulu zaidi ya miaka kumi, kipindi ambacho hata hakijafikia nusu ya kipindi nilichokaa. Mimi nimekaa miaka ishirini na tatu!

Najua, kwa mtu halisi kabisa, Ikulu ni mzigo! Hupakimbilii! Si mahali pa kupakimbilia hata kidogo; huwezi kupakimbilia Ikulu. Unapakimbilia kwenda kutafuta nini? Ni mgogoro; ni mzigo mkubwa kabisa! Ukipita barabarani, unakuta watu wana njaa, unaona ni mzigo wako huo. Pazito pale! Huwezi kupakimbilia na watu safi hawapakimbilii. Ukiona mtu anapakimbilia, na hasa anapotumia tumia vipesa kwenda Ikulu, huyo ni mtu wa kuogopa kama ukoma!

Mtu ye yote anayeonekana anapenda sana kwenda Ikulu na hata yupo tayari kununua kura ili kumwezesha kufika Ikulu ni wa kumkwepa kama ukoma. Kwanza, hizo fedha kapata wapi. Mtanzania wa leo hawezi kununua watu bila kwanza yeye kununuliwa. Na kama kanunuliwa, atataka kuzilipaje? Kazipata wapi? Watanzania wote ni masikini tu. Mtanzania anaomba urais wetu kwa hela! Amezipata wapi? 

Pili, kama hajanunuliwa, kazipata wapi? Kama kakopa, atarudishaje? Ikulu pana biashara gani mtu akope mamilioni halafu aende ayalipe kwa biashara ya Ikulu? Ikulu mimi nimekaa kwa muda wa miaka ishrini na mitatu. Ikulu ni mahali pazito. Kuna biashara gani Ikulu? 

Rushwa na Matumizi ya Fedha Bila Utaratiba Wakati wa Chaguzi

Sisi Waafrika ni watu wa ajabu sana. Unajua ni wadogo, lakini nasema, ni udogo wa mawazo. Umaskini wa mawazo ni umasikini mbaya kupita wote. Unaweza ukawa na almasi mfukoni, akaja tapeli na kijiwe kimetengenezwa kama almasi akakuambia “ebu tuone almasi yako. Bwana aa! Hii ya kwako sio almasi ni chupa tu, almasi ni hii. Kwanza nipe bwana.” Mkabadilishana. Yeye akachukua almasi yako na akakuachia kichupa na ukatoka hapo unashangilia kama zuzu!

Sisi hapa Tanzania tulikuwa tumeanza utaratibu ambao ukitumia fedha nje ya fedha za chama na serikali na ukatumia fedha zako mwenywe katika uchaguzi, tunakutoa. Hufai! Huo ndio ulikuwa utaratibu wetu. Tulikuwa tunakuuliza: “hii nchi ya masikini, wewe mwenzetu una mali umeipata wapi?”

Mali, kwa wakati huo, kwetu sisi ilikuwa ni sifa ya kukunyang’anya uwezo wa kugombea uongozi Tanzania. Tulijua kwamba, kama una mali, utaficha. Leo watu wanasema waziwazi: “Mwalimu uchaguzi wa mwaka huu utapitishwaje?”

Marekani wanatumia fedha nyingi sana katika uchaguzi. Nyingi sana! Kama Marekani sasa hivi wanazungumza watunge sheria inayofanana na ile mliyoitupa ninyi mnadhani kwa sababu ni mawazo ya masikini, haina maana. Wakubwa wanayafikiria mawazo hayo sasa hivi. Marekani wanafikiria uwezekano sasa wa kutunga sheria itakayoweka utaratibu wa fedha za ugombeaji kutokana na mfuko mmoja baada ya kugundua kwamba inapokuwa holela na kila mtu akiachiwa lwake, inavuruga. Inaleta rushwa kubwa kabisa. Unanunuliwa urais na unaweza kununuliwa na fedha za wauza bangi na wauza baa. Wauza bangi wanaiona hatari hiyo, ninyi haa!

Hapa tulikuwa na utaratibu mzuri kabisa tuliouanzisha mlioutupa, mnafikiri, sisi mwaka huu fedha tu! Uchaguzi wa fedha, mtazipata wapi? Mimi nimetoka juzi tu, mara mmetajirika kiasi hiki! Waswahili hee! Kumbe mnaweza kutajirika zaidi kwa haraka hivyo? Sasa kama mnao uwezo wa kutajirika, nawambieni ‘Fanya wote tutajirike. Hivi mtajirike peke yenu, tutajirike wote”. Wapi! Ni rahisi sana watu wachache kutajirika.

Tunataka Serikali inayotoza kodi

Kwa hiyo, naserna sasa hivi mimi sijali kabisa na wala msifikiri tena napinga watu wanaotaka uhuru wa kujipatia mali. Tunataka serikali itakayotoza kodi. Tulikuwa na viserikali vya rafiki zetu za Skandinavia vinavyoongozwa na watu wanaojali maslahi ya umma. Vinatoza kodi matajiri, halafu mapato hayo yanasambazwa kwa faida ya wote. Hata hapa fanyeni hivyo. Lakini isiwe ni kukusanya kodi na halafu, kilicho chetu mnataka kukiuza. Hata hicho muuziane, halafu mpate pesa na hizo pesa zenu wala msilipe kodi! Hii ndio kazi tuliyowapeleka Ikulu?

Sifa za ziada za viongozi

Nilipokuwa Dar es Salaam, nilieleza mahala fulani kwamba watu wanaotaka kutuongoza wawe angalau na sifa hizi na hizi. Sasa nasema hata wakiwa nazo bado tutawauliza: “sifa mnazo, lakini mnakwenda kufanya nini?”  Hata nikiwa na watano wenye sifa nzuri bado nitasema: “Ninyi watano mna sifa nzuri kabisa, mimi sioni kama mna kasoro lakini bado nitawauliza hasa mnakwenda kutafuta nini Ikulu. Uniambie kwa dhati ya moyo wako kinakuuma nini kwamba unaweza kweli ukaumwa kabisa”. Halafu ukasema: “Mwalimu, Ikulu sipapendi. Ikulu siyo tatizo. Kama mambo yanakwenda ovyo ovyo utaacha tu?

Zile sifa nilizozitamka hazitoshi: kwamba lazima uwe Mtanzania na unaheshimu Tanzania. Maana tunatafuta rais wa Tanzania na wala hatutafuti wasifu wa Rais wa Tanzania. Tuna miezi saba uwe umezipata zile tano na kuendelea. Hata hivyo, bado tutawauliza mambo ya uchumi, viwanda na shule unavyoyaelewa. Mambo ya afya, ninyi mnayajua yote. Hospitali zetu, hali yake ya sasa hivi mnaielewa inaendaje endaje na kama mnaelewa ninyi unaionaje? Unaona raha tu? Maana sisi ni watu wa sera ya kuchangia. Sawa. Lakini wewe umechangia mara ngapi? Hebu nenda katika hospitali moja uone watu wanavyochangia.

 Tunataka kufikiria kwa msingi kwamba kitu kimoja tunachotaka kuelewa ni hali ya matatizo yetu yalivyo sasa. Hii ni kwa sababu awamu ya kwanza, awamu yangu mimi, imefanya mema na imefanya ya kijinga. Yale ya kijinga, mnayaacha. Lazima yanaachwa. Ubaya wenu ni kwamba mnayaacha mema na mnachukua ya kijinga. 

Miaka ishirini na tatu, bwana, lazima tumefanya makosa. Pale, bwana, hatukuwa na wasomi wengi, ujuzi wala cho chote. Tulikuwa tunahangaika tu. Kama watu hamjui kuogelea, mnatupwa kwenye maji, mnahangaika kuogelea, lazima mtafanya makosa. Tusifanye makosa kwani sisi ni malaika? Awamu ya kwanza ina mambo fulani fulani na hasa ya msingi na mengine ya utekelezaji mazuri, mnaendelea nayo. Mengine ya utekelezaji ya ovyo ovyo, mnayachilia mbali mnaanzia hapo tena.

 Ila la ajabu ni kwamba hata ya msingi mnayawekea alama ya kuuliza. Mimi sikudhani kama ya msingi yalikuwa na matatizo, Nilidhani mambo yetu ya utekelezaji yana matatizo mengi hivi ya kusikilizana, hata ya msingi. Sasa watu wataanza kugombana katika misingi ya ukabila, udini na mambo mengine ya kijinga kabisa.

Kwa hiyo, nasema, awamu ya pili mnaanza na mengine mnaongeza hapo. Awamu ya pili nayo inafanya makosa yake, itafanya mema yake. Yale mema, ndiyo mnayoendelea nayo; mnaendelea na yale mema yake. Yale mabaya mnayaacha kama yalikuwapo ya msingi yamesahauliwa mnayarudia. Kutoyarudia yale ya msingi, mtapotea tu. Mnafanya hivyo halafu mnaendelea. 

Mimi nataka kujua kama viongozi wetu wa sasa hivi wanaotaka kuingia katika awamu ya tatu ya uongozi wanayaelewa hivyo na tutaelewana hivyo au wanafikiri uongozi ni biashara tu! Je wanaotaka kutuongoza wanaweza, kwanza, kuelezea tulikuwa wapi, tuko wapi, tunataka kwenda wapi? Pili, je wanao uwezo wa kutupeleka kule tunakotaka kwenda? Tatu, watatushirikishaje kule ili na sisi tusaidiane kwenda huko? Hiyo ndiyo kazi iliyobaki. Pimeni Sana!

HOJA YA WAGOMBEA BINAFSI

Nataka kusema kauli ya mwisho kuhusu sheria ya uchaguzi ilivyo sasa hivi. Ninalo tatizo moja. Hili nataka kulisema kwa sababu nadhani ni la msingi kidogo. Tulipokubali tuwe na vyama vingi vya siasa tulisema kwamba hivi vyama vingi vina migogoro. Mnaweza mkawa na chama cha dini, kabila, mkoa kinaitwa chama cha Mbeya ama katika nchi kikaitwa Zanzibar au Tanganyika tu. Tulisema sisi hapana ni taifa changa. Lazima tujihadhari na chama kinachoweza kutugawa. Tunataka chama kinachokubali umoja. Kwa hiyo, tukakataa vyama vya udini, ukabila na vya kutenganisha Tanzania. Tanzania tukaigawa, sijui inaitwa Tanganyika na Zanzibar, sijui inaitwa Tanganyika na Tanzania Zanzibar. Hapana tukatae vyama vya namna hiyo.

Kwa hiyo, tuliamua kwamba yawepo masharti ya kisheria yanayozuia vyama kuwa vya namna hiyo. Hii ni kulinda umoja ili tujenge upya kwa kuwa bado tu wachanga mno. Basi, sheria hiyo ndivyo ilivyotungwa na ndivyo ilivyo. Huwezi kuanzisha chama ambacho kinakiuka upande huo wa sheria. Hata hivyo, mimi nadhani sheria imekosea kuzuia wagombea binafsi. 

Nataka nieleze sababu kwa nini nadhani kukosea huku ni kwa msingi na si kwa juu juu. Hili jambo limekosewa ni la msingi. Ndiyo maana napenda kulisema kwa nini ni la msingi. Linahusu haki yangu na yako ya kupiga kura. Hii ni haki ya uraia. Madhali wewe ni raia wa Tanzania [huna kichaa, huko gerezani, umetimiza umri unaotakiwa wa miaka kumi na minane] una haki ya kupiga kura. Ni haki yako ya uraia. Iko mfukoni mwako! Hii haki ya kuomba upigiwe kura pia ni haki ya uraia; ni haki yako. Unaomba ubunge au cho chote kile upigiwe kura na hata unaomba urais, ni haki yako ya uraia; huwezi kunyimwa maadam wewe ni raia wa Tanzania kisisasa una haki ya kuomba uwe rais.

 Ukiwa katika chama ama hupo katika chama. Unayo haki inayotokana na uraia wako ya kupiga kura na ya kupigiwa kura ambayo haiwezi kudaiwa na mtu ambaye si raia wa Tanzania. 

Aidha, raia wa Tanzania hawezi akanyang’anywa haki hii ya kuomba uongozi wa nchi yake tangu ngazi ya kijiji mpaka ngazi ya taifa. Iwapo wapo wasio na uwezo huo wa kutaka kuwa rais, hiyo ni shauri nyingine. Lakini haki ninayo wakataohukumu kama nina uwezo au sina uwezo ni wananchi. Mimi sasa hivi niko hapa nawaelezeni jinsi ya kuwahukumu wenye uwezo na wasio na uwezo. Lakini sisemi hawana haki. Haki hiyo ndiyo inayowafanya ninyi wafanyakazi, ninyi wafanyakazi mnazo haki za wafanyakazi, nikasema “lakini mmoja mmoja hatuwezi, lazima tushirikiane”. Kwa hiyo, mnashirikiana wote kwa pamoja. Hivyo ni vizuri zaidi.

Tunasema ni vizuri tuiombe na tujaribu kuitumia haki ile ya kuunda vyama. Mnaweza mkaunda vyama. Sijui wangapi wameweza kuingia katika vyama maana tunayo haki hiyo. Sasa hivi mnasema viko kumi na vitatu. Sina hakika kama vimechukua Watanzania wote. Watanzania wengine hawamo CCM, hawapo wapi na hawana chama chochote. Hata hivyo, nikikataa kuingia katika chama isiwe sababu ya kuninyang’anya haki yangu ya kupiga an kupigiwa kura. Ninayo tu na naweza nikaamua kuitumia mwenyewe tu! 

Lakini, msije mkanielewa vibaya kuhusu kile ninachotaka kusema kwamba raia ye yote wa Tanzania anaweza kusema “mimi mgombea urais”. Tutamwambia: “Ah! Unaweza bwana peke yako kweli utasimama hivi kwa Tanzania peke yako utapitapita huku na kule watakupigia kura?” 

Unaweza kumlaumu na kumhukumu useme: “Wewe ni mjinga”. Lakini huwezi kusema huna haki hiyo. Ni haki yake. Anaweza kuwa mjinga. Labda kuwa ni mtu anayedhani kwamba “Watanzania wakishaona uso wangu, hata kama sina kitu, watanichagua”. Anaweza kuwa si mgombea makini, lakini ni haki yake.

Sasa sheria inawanyima raia wa Tanzania haki hiyo. Mtu mmoja akaenda mahakamani kudai haki hiyo akasema “sheria hii si haki”. Jaji mmoja akahukumu akasema “naam, si haki”. Mimi nakubaliana na maamuzi yale ya Jaji kabisa. Jaji alikuwa sahihi, hata kama alihukumu vile kwa bahati, kwa sababu haki hii iko katika Katiba. Ingekuwa haiko katika Katiba, ungekuwapo ubishi, lakini imo ndani ya Katiba. Kwa hiyo, Jaji akasema: “Naam, hawawezi kumnyima haki”. 

Sasa serikali watafanyaje? Badala ya kukubali uamuzi wa Jaji, kwa kweli walichokifanya kwa kweli ni kuifuta. Ndiyo, hamwezi kufuta haki za raia. Hamna uwezo wa kufuta haki za raia. Ndugu Waziri, hamna uwezo wa kufuta haki za raia. Hamuwezi kweli kabisa kabisa. Serikali haiwezi ikasema haki hii inakera kidogo. Inakera kisiasa tu lakini na sio kimaadili. Sheria hii inawakera kisiasa halafu mnaifuta, mtatunga kesho sheria nyingine itawakera, mtaifuta. MTAFUTA NGAPI?

Sasa mimi nina ugomvi huo. Na ni ugomvi wa kasoro kubwa, si kasoro ndogo. Ingekuwa kasoro ndogo, nisingejua. Hatuwezi kumnyima raia haki yake. Mimi napenda watu watumie hii haki yao ndani ya vyama. Kama vile nilivyosema, mfanyakazi unayo haki ya mshahara na kudai mshahara mzuri. Unaweza kudai peke yako tu hivyo hivyo. Unayo haki, ijapokuwa haiwezi kukupa nguvu. Mfanyakazi kutoingia kwenye chama hakumpotezei haki yake ya kudai mshahara mzuri hata kidogo. Kunampunguzia ile nguvu ya kufanikiwa peke yake; Lakini, anayo haki bado, inabaki ni haki yake. Huyu raia wa Tanzania akisimama peke yake tu, hana uwezo ule ule kama angekuwa ana simama na wengine.

Tujifunze kutoka historia ya uchaguzi wa 1961

Sasa mfano mmoja nautumia mwisho kabisa. Mwaka wa elfu moja tisa mia na siti na moja tulikuwa na uchaguzi mkuu. Akatupinga kijana wetu mmoja anaitwa Herman Sarwatt. Ndiyo, si ulikuwa uchaguzi wa vyama vingi? TANU ilikuwa imechukua viti vingi bila kupingwa. Kiti cha Mbulu tulikuwa tumemweka Chief mmoja anaitwa Chief Amri Dodo. Mwanàchama wetu mmoja alikuwa anaitwa Herman Sarwatt akasema. Alaa! Hiki chama changu hakina akili hata kidogo. Hawa viongozi wangu hawana, akili! Hawa machifu ndio zamani wakitaka kutufunga wakati tukigombana na mkoloni. Leo wanamchukua Chief Dodo aliyetaka kutufunga sisi ndiye awe mbunge wetu katika jimbo la Mbulu?

Sasa sisi tulikuwa tumekwisha kumchukua huyu kuwa ndiye mgombea rasmi wa TANU. Kijana yule akatupinga.  Mimi nilitokea hapa Mbeya na nikasafiri kutoka Mbeya kwenda Mbulu kumteiti yule mgombea wa TANU. Nikashindwa. 

Wananchi wa Mbulu hawana uanachama tena, wengi tu wakasema “TANU wamekosea”. Wakampa kura Sarwatt. Wakafanya hivyo, Mwanachama wa TANU akasimama mwenyewe akatushinda! Ilikuwa haki yake. Hatukuiondoa. 

Mimi nadhani kwamba kwa kuwa sasa tunarudisha vyama vingi, vile vile tunarudisha haki zote zile zilizokuwapo za raia pamoja na haki; siyo haki ya kuunda vyama bali pia wagombea binafsi kusimama kama Sarwatt alivyofanya. 

Mwisho 

SasaNdugu Waheshimiwa, nawashukuru sana, tena sana, kwa kunipa nafasi na kwa kunipokea mlivyonipokea. Mwaka huu ni mwaka ambao una umuhimu huo. Basi tuendelee kusaidiana jinsi ya kuweza kupata matokeo ya uchaguzi wa wabunge na rais ambao utatufikisha huko tunakotaka kwenda.

Ahsanteni Sana.

The Arusha Declaration

5 February 1967

The Arusha Declaration

Written: for Tanganyika African National Union by Julius Nyerere, 1967;

Transcribed by: Ayanda Madyibi.

The Declaration was discussed and then published in Swahili. This revised English Translation clarifies ambiguities which existed in the translation originally issued.

The Arusha Declaration and TANU’s Policy on Socialism and Self-Reliance

PART ONE 

The TANU Creed

The policy of TANU is to build a socialist state. The principles of socialism are laid down in the TANU Constitution and they are as follows:

WHEREAS TANU believes:

(a) That all human beings are equal;

(b) That every individual has a right to dignity and respect;

(c) That every citizen is an integral part of the nation and has the right to take an equal part in Government at local, regional and national level;

(d) That every citizen has the right to freedom of expression, of movement, of religious belief and of association within the context of the law;

(e) That every individual has the right to receive from society protection of his life and of property held according to law;

(f) That every individual has the right to receive a just return for his labour;

(g) That all citizens together possess all the natural resources of the country in trust for their descendants;

(h) That in order to ensure economic justice the state must have effective control over the principal means of production; and

(i) That it is the responsibility of the state to intervene actively in the economic life of the nation so as to ensure the well-being of all citizens, and so as to prevent the exploitation of one person by another or one group by another, and so as to prevent the accumulation of wealth to an extent which is inconsistent with the existence of a classless society.

NOW, THEREFORE, the principal aims and objects of TANU shall be as follows:

(a) To consolidate and maintain the independence of this country and the freedom of its people;

(b) To safeguard the inherent dignity of the individual in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;

(c) To ensure that this country shall be governed by a democratic socialist government of the people;

(d) To co-operate with all political parties in Africa engaged in the liberation of all Africa;

(e) To see that the Government mobilizes all the resources of this country towards the elimination of poverty, ignorance and disease;

(f) To see that the Government actively assists in the formation and maintenance of co-operative organizations;

(g) to see that wherever possible the Government itself directly participates in the economic development of this country;

(h) To see that the Government gives equal opportunity to all men and women irrespective of race, religion or status;

(i) To see that the Government eradicates all types of exploitation, intimidation, discrimination, bribery and corruption;

(j) To see that the Government exercises effective control over the principal means of production and pursues policies which facilitate the way to collective ownership of the resources of this country;

(k) To see that the Government co-operates with other states in Africa in bringing about African unity;

(l) To see that Government works tirelessly towards world peace and security through the United Nations Organization.

PART TWO 

The Policy of Socialism

(a) Absence of Exploitation

A truly. socialist state is one in which all people are workers and in which neither capitalism nor feudalism exists. It does not have two classes of people, a lower class composed of people who work for their living, and an upper class of people who live on the work of others. In a really socialist country no person exploits another; everyone who is physically able to work does so; every worker obtains a just return for the labour he performs; and the incomes derived from different types of work are not grossly divergent. In a socialist country, the only people who live on the work of others, and who have the right to be dependent upon their fellows, are small children, people who are too old to support themselves, the crippled, and those whom the state at any one time cannot provide with an opportunity to work for their living.

Tanzania is a nation of peasants but is not yet a socialist society. It still contains elements of feudalism and capitalism--with their temptations. These feudalistic and capitalistic features of our society could spread and entrench themselves.

(b) The Major Means of Production and Exchange are under the Control of the Peasants and Workers.

To Build and maintain socialism it is essential that all the major means of production and exchange in the nation are controlled and owned by the peasants through the machinery of their Government and their co-operatives. Further, it is essential that the ruling Party should be a Party of peasants and workers.

The major means of production and exchange are such things as: land; forests; minerals;water; oil and electricity; news media; communications; banks, insurance, import ;and export trade, wholesale trade ; iron and steel, machine tool, arms, motor-car, cement, fertilizer, and textile industries; and any big factory on which a large section of the people depend for their living, or which provides essential components of other industries; large plantations, and especially those which provide raw materials essential to important industries.

Some of the instruments of production and exchange which have been listed here are already owned or controlled by the people’s Government of Tanzania.

(c) The Existence of Democracy

A state is not socialist simply because its means of production and exchange are controlled or owned by the government, either wholly or in large part. If a country to be socialist, it is essential that its government is chosen and led by the peasants and workers themsclvcs. If the minority governments of Rhodesia or South Africa controlled or owned the entire economies of these respective countries, the result would be a strengthening of oppression, not the building of socialism. True socialism cannot exist without democracy also existing in the society.

(d) Socialism is a Belief

Socialism is a way of life, and a socialist society cannot simply come into existence. A socialist society can only be built by those who believe in, and who themselves practice, the principles of socialism. A committed member of TANU will be a socialist, and his fellow socialist – that is, his fellow believers in this political and economic system – are all those in Africa or elsewhere in the world who fight for the rights of peasants and workers. The first duty of a TANU member, and especially of a TANU leader, is to accept these socialist principles, and to live his own life in accordance with them. In particular, a genuine TANU leader will not live off the sweat of another man, nor commit any feudalistic or capitalistic actions.

The successful implementation of .socialist objectives depends very much up the leaders, because socialism is a belief in a particular system of living, and it is difficult for leaders to promote its growth if they do not themselves accept it.

PART THREE 

The Policy of Self-Reliance

We are at War

TANU is involved in a war against poverty and oppression in our country; the struggle is aimed at moving the people of Tanzania (and the people of Africa as a whole) from a state of poverty to a State of prosperity.

We have been oppressed a great deal, we have been exploited a great deal and we have been disregarded a great deal. It is our weakness that has led to our being oppressed, exploited and disregarded. Now we want a revolution – a revolution which brings an end to our weakness, so that we are never again exploited, oppressed, or humiliated.

A Poor Man does not use Money as a Weapon

But it is obvious that in the past we have chosen the wrong weapon for our struggle, because we chose money as our weapon. We are trying to overcome our economic weakness by using the weapons or the economically strong – weapons which in fact we do not possess. By our thoughts, words and actions it appears as if we have come to the conclusion that without money we cannot bring about the revolution we are aiming at. It is as if we have said, ‘Money is the basis of development. Without money there can be no development.’

That is what we believe at present. TANU leaders, and Government leaders and officials, all put great emphasis and dependence on money. The people’s leaders, and the people themselves, in TANU, NUTA, Parliament, UWT, the co-operatives, TAPA, and in other national institutions think, hope and pray for MONEY. It is as if we had all agreed to speak with one voice, saying, ‘If we get money we shall develop, without money we cannot develop.

In brief, our Five-Year Development Plan aims at more food, more education, and better health; but the weapon we have put emphasis upon is money. It is as if we said, ‘In the next five years we want to have more food, more education, and better health, and in order to achieve these things we shall spend £250,000,000’. We think and speak as if the most important thing to depend upon is MONEY and anything else we intend to use in our struggle is of minor importance.

When a member of Parliament says that there is a shortage of water in his constituency ; and he asks the Government how it intends to deal with the problem, he expects the Government to reply that it is planning to remove the shortage of water in his constituency – with MONEY.

When another Member of Parliament asks what the Government is doing about the shortage of roads, schools or hospitals in his constituency, he also expects the Government to tell him that it has specific plans to build roads, schools and hospitals in his constituency – with MONEY.

When a NUTA official asks the Government about its plans to deal with the low wages and poor housing of the workers, he expects the Government to inform him that the minimum wage will be increased and that better houses will be provided for the workers – WITH MONEY.

When a TAPA official asks the Government what plans it has to give assistance to the many TAPA schools which do not get Government aid, he expects the Government to state that it is ready the following morning to give the required assistance – WITH MONEY.

When an official of the co-operative movement mentions any problem facing the farmer, he expects to hear that the Government will solve the farmer’s problems – WITH MONEY in short, for every problem facing our nation, the solution that is in everybody’s mind is MONEY.

Each year, each Ministry of Government makes its estimates of expenditure, i.e. the amount of money it will require in the coming year to meet recurrent and development expenses. Only one Minister and his Ministry make estimates of revenue. This is the Minister for Finance.

Every Ministry puts forward very good development plans. When the Ministry presents its estimates, it believes that the money is there for the asking but that the Minister for Finance are being obstructive. And regularly each year the Minister of Finance has to tell his fellow Ministers that there is no money. And each year the Ministers complain about the Ministry of Finance when it trims down their estimates.

Similarly, when Members of Parliament and other leaders demand that the Government should carry out a certain development, they believe that there is a lot of money to spend on such projects, but that the Government is the stumbling block. Yet such belief on the part of Ministries, Members of Parliament and other leaders does not alter the stark truth, which is that Government has no money.

When it is said that Government has no money, what does this mean? It means that the people of Tanzania have insufficient money The people pay taxes out of the very little wealth they have; it is from these taxes that the Government meets its recurrent and development expenditure. When we call on the Government to spend more money on development projects, we are asking the Government to use more money. and if the Government does not have any more, the only way it can do this is to increase its revenue through extra taxation.

If one calls on the Government to spend more, one is in effect calling on the Government to increase taxes. Calling on the Government to spend more without raising taxes is like demanding that the Government should perform miracles; it is equivalent to asking for more milk from a cow while insisting that the cow should not be milked again. But our refusal to admit the calling on the Government to spend more is the same as calling on the Government to raise taxes shows that we fully realize the difficulties of increasing taxes. We realize that the cow has no more milk – that is, that the people find it difficult to pay more taxes. We know that the cow would like to have more milk herself, so that her calves could drink it, or that she would like more milk which could be sold to provide more comfort for herself or her calves. But knowing all the things which could be done with more milk does not alter the fact that the cow has no more milk!

WHAT OF EXTERNAL AID?

One method we use to try and avoid a recognition of the need to increase taxes if we want to have more money for development, is to think in terms of getting the extra money from outside Tanzania. Such external finance falls into three main categories.

(a) Gifts: This means that another government gives our Government a sum of money as a free gift for a particular development scheme. Sometimes it may be that an institution in another country gives our Government, or an institution in our country, financial help for development programmes.

(b) Loans: The greater portion of financial help we expect to get from outside is not in the form of gifts or charity, but in the form of loans. A foreign government or a foreign institution, such as a bank, lends our Government money for the purposes of development. Such a loan has repayment conditions attached to it, covering such factors as the time period for which it is available and the rate of interest.

(c) Private Investment: The third category of financial help is also greater than the first. This takes the form of investment in our country by individuals or companies from outside. The important condition which such private investors have in mind is that the enterprise into which they put their money should bring them profit and that our Government should permit them to repatriate these profits. They also prefer to invest in a country whose policies they agree with and which will safeguard their economic interests.

These three are the main categories of external finance. And there is in Tanzania a fantastic amount of talk about getting money from outside. Our Government, and different groups of our leaders, never stop thinking about methods of getting finance from abroad. And if we get some money or even if we just get a promise of it, our newspapers, our radio, and our leaders, all advertise the fact in order that every person shall know that salvation is coming, or is on the way. If we receive a girt we announce it, if we receive a loan we announce it, if we get a new factory we announce it – and always loudly. In the same way, when we get a promise of a gift, a loan, or a new industry, we make an announcement of the promise. Even when we have merely started discussions with a foreign government or institution for a gift, a loan, or a new industry, we make an announcement – even though we do not know the outcome of the discussions. Why do we do all this? Because we want people to know that we have started discussions which will bring prosperity.

DO NOT LET US DEPEND UPON MONEY FOR DEVELOPMENT

It is stupid to rely on money as the major instrument of development when we know only too well that our country is poor. It is equally stupid, indeed it is even more stupid, for us to imagine that we shall rid ourselves of our poverty through foreign financial assistance rather than our own financial resources. It is stupid for two reasons.

Firstly, we shall not get the money. It is true that there are countries which can, and which would like to, help us. But there is no country in the world which is prepared to give us gifts or loans, or establish industries, to the extent that we would be able to achieve all our development targets. There are many needy countries in the world. And even if all the prosperous nations were willing to help the needy countries, the assistance would still not suffice. But in any case the prosperous nations have not accepted a responsibility to fight world poverty. Even within their own borders poverty still exists, and the rich individuals do not willingly give money to the government to help their poor fellow citizens.

It is only through taxation, which people have to pay whether they want to or not, that money can be extracted from the rich in order to help the masses. Even then there would not be enough money. However heavily we taxed the citizens of Tanzania and the aliens living here, the resulting revenue would not be enough to meet the costs of the development we want. And there is no World Government which can tax the prosperous nations in order to help the poor nations; nor if one did exist could it raise enough revenue to do all that is needed in the world. But in fact, such a World Government does not exist. Such money as the rich nations offer to the poor nations is given voluntarily, either through their own goodness, or for their own benefit. All this means that it is impossible for Tanzania to obtain from overseas enough money to develop our economy.

GIFTS AND LOANS WILL ENDANGER OUR INDEPENDENCE

Secondly, even if it were possible for us to get enough money for our needs from external sources, is this what we really want? Independence means self-reliance. Independence cannot be real if a nation depends upon gifts and loans from another for Its development. Even if there was a nation, or nations, prepared to give us all the money we need for our development, it would be improper for us to accept such assistance without asking ourselves how this would effect our independence and our very survival as a nation. Gifts which increase, or act as a catalyst, to our own efforts are valuable. Gifts which could have the effect of weakening or distorting our own efforts should not be accepted until we have asked ourselves a number of questions.

The same applies to loans. It is true that loans are better than ‘free’ gifts. A loan is intended to increase our efforts or make those fruitful. One condition of a loan is that you show how you are going to repay it. This means you have to show that you intend to use the loan profitably and will therefore be able to repay it.

But even loans have their limitations. You have to give consideration to the ability to repay. When we borrow money from other countries it is the Tanzanian who pays it back. And as we have already stated, Tanzania’s are poor people. To burden the people with big loans, the repayment of which will be beyond their means, is not to help them but to make them suffer. It is even worse when the loans they are asked to repay have not benefited the majority of the people but have only benefited a small minority.

How about the enterprises of foreign investors ? It is true we need these enterprises. We have even passed an Act of Parliament protecting foreign investments in this country. Our aim is to make foreign investors feel that Tanzania is a good place in which to invest because investments would be safe and profitable, and the profits can be taken out of the country without difficulty. We expect to get money through this method. But we cannot get enough. And even if we were able to convince foreign investors and foreign firms to undertake all the projects and programmes of economic development that we need, is that what we actually want to happen ?

Had we been able to attract investors from America and Europe to come and start all the industries and all the projects of economic development that we need in this country, could we do so without questioning ourselves?

Could we agree to leave the economy of our country in the hands of foreigners who would take the profits back to their countries? Or supposing they did not insist upon taking their profits away, but decided to reinvest them in Tanzania; could we really accept this situation without asking ourselves what disadvantages our nation would suffer? Would this allow the socialism we have said it is our objective to build ?

How can we depend upon gifts, loans, and investments from foreign countries and foreign companies without endangering our independence? The English people have a proverb which says, ‘He who pays the piper calls the tune’. How can we depend upon foreign governments and companies for the major part of our development without giving to those governments and countries a great part of our freedom to act as we please ? The truth is that we cannot.

Let us repeat. We made a mistake in choosing money – something we do not have – to be the big instrument of our development. We are making a mistake to think that we shall get the money from other countries; first, because in fact we shall not be able to get sufficient money for our economic development; and secondly, because even if we could get all that we need, such dependence upon others would endanger our independence and our ability to choose our own political policies.

WE HAVE PUT TOO MUCH EMPHASIS ON INDUSTRIES

Because of our emphasis on money, we have made another big mistake. We have put too much emphasis on industries. Just as we have said , ‘Without money there can be no development’, we also seem to say, ‘Industries arc the basis of development, without industries there is no development’. This is true The day when we have lots of money we shall be able to say we are a developed country. We shall be able to say, When we began our development plans we did not have enough money and this situation made it difficult for us to develop as fast as we wanted. Today we are developed and we have enough money. That is to say, our money has been brought by development. Similarly, the day we become industrialized we shall be able to say we are developed. Development would have us to have industries. The mistake we are making is to think that development begins with industries. It is a mistake because we do not have the means to establish many modern industries in our country. We do not have either the necessary finances or the technical know-how. It is not enough to say that we shall borrow the finances and the technicians from other countries to come and start the industries. The answer to this is the same one we gave earlier, that we cannot get enough money and borrow enough technicians to start all the industries we need. And even if we could get the necessary assistance, dependence on it could interfere with our policy on socialism. The policy of inviting a chain of capitalists to come and establish industries in our country might succeed in giving us all the industries we need but it would also succeed in preventing the establishment of socialism unless we believe that without first building capitalism, we cannot build socialism.

LET US PRAY AND HEED TO THE PEASANT

Our emphasis on money and industries has made us concentrate on urban development. We recognize that we do not have enough money to bring the kind of development to each village which would benefit everybody. We also know that we cannot establish an industry in each village and through this means erect a rise in the real incomes of the people. For these reasons we spend most of our money in the urban areas and our industries are established in the towns.

Yet the greater part of this money that we spend in the towns comes from loans. Whether it is use it to build schools, hospitals, houses or factories, etc., it still has to be repaid. But it is obvious that it cannot be repaid just out of money obtained from urban and industrial development. To repay the loans we have to use foreign currency which is obtained from the sale of our exports. But we do not now sell our industrial products in foreign markets, and indeed it is likely to be a long time before our industries produce for export. The main aim of our new industries is ‘import substitution’ – that is, to produce things which up to now we have had to import from foreign countries.

It is therefore obvious that the foreign currency we shall use to pay back the loans used in the development Or the urban areas will not come from the towns or the industries. Where, then, shall we get it from? We shall get it from the villages and from agriculture. What does this mean? It means that the people who benefit directly from development which is brought about by borrowed money are not the ones who will repay the loans. The largest proportion of the loans will be spent in, or for, the urban areas, but the largest proportion of the repayment will be made through the efforts of the farmers.

This fact should always be borne in mind, for there are various forms of exploitation. We must not forget that people who live in towns can possibly become the exploiters of those who live in the rural areas. All our big hospitals are in towns and they benefit only a small section of the people of Tanzania. Yet if we had built them with loans from outside Tanzania, it is the overseas sale of the peasants’ produce which provides the foreign exchanges for repayment. Those who do not get the benefit of the hospital thus carry the major responsibility for paying for them. Tarmac roads, too, are mostly found in towns and are of especial value to the motor-car owners. Yet if we have built those roads with loans, it is again the farmer who produces the goods which will pay for them. What is more, the foreign exchange with which the car was bought also came from the sale of the farmers’ produce. Again, electric lights, water pipes, hotels and other aspects of modern development are mostly found in towns. Most of them have been built with loans, and most of them do not benefit the farmer directly, although they will be paid for by the foreign exchange earned by the sale of his produce. We should always bear this in mind.

Although when we talk of exploitation we usually think of capitalists, we should not forget that there are many fish in the sea. They eat each other. The large ones eat the small ones, and small ones eat those who are even smaller. There are two possible ways of dividing the people in our country. We can put the capitalists and feudalists on one side, and the farmers and workers on the other. But we can also divide the people into urban dwellers on one side and those who live in the rural areas on the other. If we are not careful we might get to the position where the real exploitation in Tanzania is that of the town dwellers exploiting the peasants.

THE PEOPLE AND AGRICULTURE

The development of a country is brought about by people, not by money. Money, and the wealth it represents, is the result and not the basis of development. The four prerequisites of development are different; they are (i) People; (ii) Land; (iii) Good Policies; (iv) Good Leadership. Our country has more than ten million people1 and is are; is more than 362,000 square miles.

AGRICULTURE IS THE BASIS OF DEVELOPMENT

A great part of Tanzania’s land is fertile and gets sufficient rain. Our country can produce various crops for home consumption and for export.

We can produce food crops (which can be exported if we produce in large quantities) such as maize, rice, wheat, beans, groundnuts, etc. And we can produce such cash crops as sisal, cotton, coffee, tobacco, pyrethrum, tea, etc. Our land is also good for grazing cattle, goats, sheep, and for raising chickens, etc.; we can get plenty of fish from our rivers, lakes, and from the sea. All of our farmers are in areas which can produce two or three or even more of the food and cash crops enumerated above, and each farmer could increase his production so as to get more food or more money. And because the main aim of development is to get more food, and more money for our other needs our purpose must be to increase production of these agricultural crops. This is in fact the only road through which we can develop our country – in other words, only by increasing our production of these things can we get more food and more money for every Tanzanian.

THE CONDITIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

(a) Hard Work

Everybody wants development; but not everybody understands and accepts the basic requirements for development. The biggest requirement is hard work. Let us go to the villages and talk to our people and see whether or not it is possible for them to work harder.

In towns, for example, wage-earners normally work for seven and a half or eight hours a day, and for six or six and a half days a week. This is about 45 hours a week for the whole year, except for two or three weeks leave. In other words, a wage-earner works for 45 hours a week for 48 or 50 weeks of the year.

In or a country like ours these are really quite short working hours. In other countries, even those which are more developed than we are, people work for more than 45 hours a week. It is not normal for a young country to start with such a short working week. The normal thing is to begin with long working hours and decrease them as the country becomes more and more prosperous. By starting with such short working hours and asking for even shorter hours, we are in fact imitating the more developed countries. And we shall regret this imitation. Nevertheless, wage earners do work for 45 hours per week and their annual vacation does not exceed four weeks.

It would be appropriate to ask our farmers, especially the men, how many hours a week and how many weeks a year they work. Many do not even work for half as many hours as the wage-earner does. The truth is that in the villages the women work very hard. At times they work for 12 or 14 hours a day. They even work on Sundays and public holidays. Women who live in the villages work harder than anybody else in Tanzania. But the men who live in villages (and some of the women in towns) are on leave for half of their lire. The energies of the millions of men in the villages and thousands of women in the towns which are at present wasted in gossip, dancing and drinking, are a great treasure which could contribute more towards the development of our country than anything we could get from rich nations.

We would be doing something very beneficial to our country if we went to the villages and told our people that they hold this treasure and that it is up to them to use it for their own benefit and the benefit of our whole nation .

(b) Intelligence

The second condition of development is the use of intelligence. Unintelligent hard work would not bring the same good results as the two combined. Using a big hoe instead of a small one; using a plow pulled by oxen instead of an ordinary hoe; the use of fertilizers; the use of insecticides; knowing the right crop for a particular season or soil; choosing good seeds for planting; knowing the right time for planting, weeding, etc.; all these things show the use of knowledge and intelligence. And all of them combine with hard work to produce more and better results.

The money and time we spend on passing this knowledge to the peasants are better spent and bring more benefits to our country than the money and great amount of time we spend on other things which we call development.

These facts are well known to all of us. The parts of our Five-Year Development Plan which are on target, or where the target has been exceeded, are those parts which depend solely upon the people’s own hard work. The production of cotton, coffee, cashew nuts, tobacco and pyrethrum has increased enormously for the past three years. But these are things which are produced by hard work and the good leadership of the people, not by the use of great amounts of money.

Furthermore the people, through their own hard work and with a little help and leadership, have finished many development projects in the villages. They have built schools, dispensaries, community centers, and roads; they have dug wells, water channels, animal dips, small dams, and completed various other development projects. Had they waited for money, they would not now have the use of these things.

HARD WORK IS THE ROOT OF DEVELOPMENT

Some Plan projects which depend on money are going on well, but there are many which have stopped and others which might never be fulfilled because of lack of money. Yet still we talk about money and our search for money increases and takes nearly all our energies. We should not lessen our efforts to get the money we really need, but it would be more appropriate for us to spend time in the villages showing the people how to bring about development through their own efforts rather than going on so many long and expensive journeys abroad in search of development money. This is the real way to bring development to everybody in the country.

None of this means that from now on we will not need money or that we will not start industries or embark upon development projects which require money. Furthermore, we are not saying that we will not accept, or even that we shall not look for, money from other countries for our development. This is not what we are saying. We will continue to use money; and each year we will use more money for the various development projects than we uscd the previous year because this will be one of the signs of our development.

What we are saying, however, is that from now on we shall know what is the foundation and what is the fruit of development. Between money and people it is obvious that the people and their hard work are the foundation of development, and money is one of the fruits of that hard work.

From now on we shall stand upright and walk forward on our feet rather than look at this problem upside down. industries will come and money will come but their foundation is the people and their hard work, especially in AGRICULTURE. This is the meaning of self-reliance.

Our emphasis should therefore be on:

(a) The Land and Agriculture

(b) The People

(c) The Policy of Socialism and Self-Reliance, and

(d) Good Leadership.

(a) The Land

Because the economy of Tanzania depends and will continue to depend on agriculture and animal husbandry, Tanzanians can live well without depending on help from outside if they use their land properly. Land is the basis of human life and all Tanzanians should use it as a valuable investment for future development. Because the land belongs to the nation, the Government has to see to it that it is being used for the benefit of the whole nation and not for the benefit of one individual or just a few people.

It is the responsibility of TANU to see that the country produces enough food and enough cash crops for export. It is the responsibility of the Government and the co-operative societies to see to it that our people get the necessary tools, training and leadership in modern methods of agriculture.

(b) The People

In order properly to implement the policy of self-reliance, the people have to be taught the meaning of self-reliance and its practice. They must become self-sufficient in food, serviceable clothes and good housing.

In our country work should be something to be proud of, and laziness, drunkenness and idleness should be things to be ashamed of. And for the defense of our nation, it is necessary for us to be on guard against internal stooges who could be used by external enemies who aim to destroy us. The people should always be ready to defend their nation when they are called upon to do so.

(c) Good Policies

The principles of our policy of self-reliance go hand in hand with our policy of socialism. In order to prevent exploitation it is necessary for everybody to work and to live on his own labour. And in order to distribute the national wealth rairly, it is necessary for everybody to work to the maximum of his ability. Nobody should go and stay for a long time with his relative, doing no work, because in doing so he will be exploiting his relative. Likewise, nobody should be allowed to loiter in towns or villages without doing work which would enable him to be self-reliant without exploiting his relatives.

TANU believes that everybody who loves his nation has a duty to serve it by co-operating with his fellows in building the country for the benefit of all the people of Tanzania. In order to maintain our independence and our pcople’s freedom we ought to be self-reliant in every possible way and avoid depending upon other countries for assistance. If every individual is self-reliant ten-house cell will be self-reliant; if all the cells are self-reliant the whole ward will be self-reliant; and if the wards are self-reliant the District will be self-reliant. If the Districts arc self-reliant, then the Region is self-reliant, and if the Regions are self-reliant, then the whole nation is self-reliant and this our aim.

(d) Good Leadership

TANU recognizes the urgency and importance of good leadership. But we have not yet produced systematic training for our leaders; it is necessary that TANU Headquarters should now prepare a programme of training for all leaders – from the national level to the ten-house cell level – so that every one of them understands our political and economic policies. Leaders must set a good example to the rest of the people in their lives and in all their activities.

PART FOUR 

TANU Membership

Since the Party was founded we have put great emphasis on getting as many members as possible. This was the right policy during the independence struggle. But now the National Executive feels that the time has come when we should put more emphasis on the beliefs of our Party and its policies of socialism.

That part of the TANU Constitution which relates to the admission of a member should be adhered to, and if it is discovered that a man does not appear to accept the faith, the objects, and the rules and regulations of the Party, then he should not be accepted as a member. In particular, it should not be forgotten that TANU is a party of peasants and workers.

PART FIVE

The Arusha Resolution

Therefore, the National Executive Committee, meeting in the Community Centre at Arusha from 26.1.67 to 29.1.67 resolves:

(a) The Leadership

1. Every TANU and Government leader must be either a peasant or a worker, and should in no way be associated with the practices or capitalism or feudalism.

2. No TANU or Government leader should hold shares in any company.

3. No TAN U or Government leader should hold directorships in any privately owned enterprise.

4. No TANU or Government leader should receive two or more salaries.

5. No TANU or Government leader should own houses which he rents to others.

6. For the purposes of this Resolution the term ‘leader’ should comprise the following:

Members of the TANU National Executive Committee; Ministers; Members of Parliament; senior officials of organizations affiliated to TANU; senior officers of par-statal organizations; all those appointed or elected under any clause of the TANU Constitution; councilors; and civil servants in the high and middle cadres. (In this context ‘leader’ means a man, or a man and his wife; a woman, or a woman and her husband.)

(b) The Government and other Institutions

1. Congratulates the Government for the steps it has taken so far in the implementation of the policy of socialism

2. Calls upon the Government to take further steps in the implementation of our policy of socialism as described in Part Two of this document without waiting for a Commission on Socialism.

3. Calls upon the Government to put emphasis, when preparing its development plans, on the ability of this country to implement the plans rather than depending on foreign loans and grants as has been done in the current Five-Year Development Plan. The National Executive Committee also resolves that the Plan should be amended so as to make it fit in with the policy of self-reliance.

4. Calls upon the Government to take action designed to ensure that the incomes of workers in the private sector are not very different from the incomes of workers in the public sector.

5. Calls upon the Government to put great emphasis on actions which will raise the standard of living of the peasants, and the rural community.

6. Calls upon NUTA, the co-operatives, TAPA, UWT, TYL, and other Government institutions to take steps to implement the policy of socialism and self-reliance.

(c) Membership

Members should get thorough teaching on Party ideology so that they may understand it, and they should always be reminded of the importance of living up to its principles.

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